Monday, September 22, 2008

Recession in Indian Aviation - What Caused It

What Caused The Recession

Airlines in India have gone through five phases of development. The first phase was the pioneering years, which started in the pre-independence period and lasted till the early years of post independence era. The second phase started sometimes in the late fifties and continued till the early nineties of the last century. The third phase has been the shortest phase so far that started with the repeal of the Air Corporation Act and ended in 2003. The current phase started with the emergence of low cost airlines and is now in the midst of a recession.

The First Phase – the Pioneering Years

The journey of civil aviation in India began in December 1912. It coincided with the opening of the first domestic air route between Karachi and Delhi by the Indian state Air services in collaboration with the imperial Airways, UK, though it was a mere extension of London-Karachi flight of the latter airline. However, before this the first commercial flight in India was made on February 18, 1911, when a French pilot Monseigneur Piguet flew airmails from Allahabad to Naini, covering a distance of about 10 km in as many minutes.

On October 15, 1932, a light single-engine Puss Moth took off from Karachi on its flight to Mumbai (then known as Bombay) via Ahmedabad. At the controls of the tiny plane was Mr. J.R.D. Tata, operating the first scheduled air service in the country. He landed with his precious load of mail on a grass strip at Juhu. Life was simple then. There were no runways, no radio facilities in the aircraft or on the ground. There were no pretty hostesses, no aerodrome officers and no airport buildings. At Mumbai, Mr Nevill Vintcent took over from Mr. Tata and flew the Puss Moth to Chennai (then known as Madras) via Bellary. Thus was born Tata Airlines, which later became Air India. In 1933, the first full year of its operations, Tata Airlines flew 160,000 miles, carried 155 passengers and 10.71 tonnes of mail.

The Second Phase – Public Sector Era

At the time of independence, the number of air transport companies, which were operating within and beyond the frontiers of the country, carrying both air cargo and passengers, was nine. It was reduced to eight, with Orient Airways shifting to Pakistan.

In early 1948, a joint sector company, Air India International Ltd., was established by the Government of India and Air India (earlier Tata Airline) with a capital of Rs 2 crore and a fleet of three Lockheed constellation aircraft. Its first flight took off on June 8, 1948 on the Mumbai (Bombay)-London air route. At the time of its nationalization in 1953, it was operating four weekly services between Mumbai-London and two weekly services between Mumbai and Nairobi. J.R.D.Tata headed the joint venture.

The soaring prices of aviation fuel, mounting salary bills and disproportionately large fleets took a heavy toll of the then airlines. The financial health of companies declined despite liberal Government patronage, particularly from 1949, and an upward trend in air cargo and passenger traffic. The trend, however, was not in keeping with the expectations of these airlines that had gone on an expansion spree during the post-World War II period, acquiring aircraft and spares.

The Government set up the Air Traffic Enquiry Committee in 1950 to look into the problems of the airline. Though the Committee found no justification for nationalization of airlines, it favoured their voluntary merger. Such a merger, however, was not welcomed by the airlines and the Government had to ultimately nationalize the sector in 1953 and accordingly, two autonomous corporations were created on August 1, 1953. Indian Airlines was formed with the merger of eight domestic airlines to operate domestic services, while Air India International was to operate the overseas services (the word 'International' was dropped in 1962. Effective March 1, 1994, the airline was renamed Air India Limited). At the time of nationalization, Indian Airlines inherited a fleet of 99 aircraft consisting of various types of aircraft.

The third Phase – the Liberalisation Era

Until a decade ago, all aspects of aviation were firmly controlled by the Government. In the early fifties, all airlines operating in the country were merged into either Indian Airlines or Air India and, by virtue of the Air Corporations Act, 1953; this monopoly was perpetuated for the next forty years. The Directorate General of Civil Aviation controlled every aspect of flying including granting flying licenses, pilots, certifying aircrafts for flight and issuing all rules and procedures governing Indian airports and airspace. Finally, the Airports Authority of India was entrusted with the responsibility of managing all national and international airports and administering every aspect of air transport operation through the Air Traffic Control. While nationalization of air transport sector solved quite a few problems during the course of time it also created a few problems. The usual ills associated with monopoly, like rising operating cost due to low productivity, falling standard of service and quality of infrastructure, disregard for passenger amenities, etc.; started to surface. With the general opening up of the economy theses characteristics of civil aviation was rendering the sector out of sync with the rest of the economy and therefore finally the Air Corporation Act was repealed to end the monopoly of the public sector and private airlines were reintroduced.

As was to be expected, liberalisation of air services led to launching of several private sector airlines. East West, Damania Airways, Air Sahara, NEPC Airways, Jet Airways, ModiLuft were some of the prominent airlines set up during that period. Of these, only Jet Airways survives today. The airlines that started operating showed lots of promise in the beginning and many at that time thought that Indian aviation was well on the way to gain maturity. Almost every area of airline business showed improvement. Capacity increased manifold, in 1996 the airlines collectively offered 70,000 seats, there were visible improvement in efficiency in the matter of ground handling, cabin crew, punctuality and on board catering.6 It is unfortunate though that what started with so much fan fare soon began to flounder. Within a few years of their operation most of the airlines either closed down or, as it happened in the case of Damania, merged with other airline.

Not much material or analysis is available on the probable cause(s) of the failure of the airlines in establishing themselves as viable operators. However, based on our own analysis we would like to put forward the following:

The pace at which the industry developed was too fast for the national economy to handle. The economy was still growing at 5-6 percent per annum and personal disposable income for a large majority of middle class (i.e.; the potential ‘flying’ class) had not reached the critical mass at which point one could look beyond the daily grind and seek for some luxury. The industry either did not understand or preferred to ignore the income elasticity of demand of its client base and ended up with an incomplete profile of the market.

The industry created capacity that was far in excess of actual demand. In 1996 when air traffic stood at around 27,000 to 32,000 passengers per day, the airlines together offered around 70,000 seats. It would, however, be wrong to blame the airlines for the excess capacity. Since aircrafts come in standard sizes it is in the nature of the airline industry to perpetually operate in environment of demand-supply mismatch. It is one of the inflexibilities that we have already discussed while talking about special characteristics of airline business. It is one of the ironies of airline business that the airlines’ have to bear the consequences of actions of which they are not responsible; in this case the outcome associated with over capacity.

The private sector airline underestimated the strength of the public sector airline. The unspoken belief among the private airlines was that in the onslaught of competition the public sector would soon wither away. That the public sector could (and would) adapt itself to the dictates market demands and improve its efficiency to the extent of successfully retaining a major part of its client base was way beyond the expectations of private airlines, thus the easy pickings of passengers that they were hoping for never materialised.

All the airlines, including the ones that survived, failed to demonstrate entrepreneurial courage and a boldness to experiment with a new idea. The concept of low cost carriers (which in theory at least, is most suited for a country like India) that was taking off at the same period in the West was completely ignored by all the airlines.

The country was not ready for an aviation makeover. Running an airline does not only involve buying an aircraft and flying it also needs the presence of supporting industry aviation finance, for example. The airlines were operating in a void.

Most of the airlines were under capitalised. We have earlier spoken about easy entry as on of the unique characteristics of airline business. In Indian context entry in those were even easier than they are now. Anybody could set up an airline with just one aircraft provided he promised to upgrade to three aircrafts within three years and invested a minimum of rupees one crore. As soon as Air Corporation Act was repealed all the Air Taxi Operators of the time converted themselves into airline companies without any adequate homework. Business economics was the last thing on their mind, if it was there at all. Though airlines like Damania, East West had experienced men running the company yet nothing in the way they ran their airline indicated they were seriously aware how capital intensive the business was. Jet Airways was the only airline to start operation with adequate preparation, it had equity tie up with Gulf Air and Kuwait Airways. It is perhaps because of this tie up and their professionalism that we see Jet’s aircraft in the skies today. The other airline that survived was Air Sahara, which could be ascribed to deep pockets and also the fact that they had not spread their resources too thin.

For all the defunct airlines finance remained the single biggest problem throughout their existence and which ultimately led to their downfall. While Damania sold out to NEPC Airways, NEPC’s own finance kept going from bad to worse to the extent that they kept defaulting on paying taxes and the government had to ultimately confiscate it licences. East West’s died along with the violent death of its MD. ModiLuft’s partnership had to end when Lufthansa called off the deal presumably due to non receipt of dues.

The Fourth Phase – The Era of Growth and . . .

2003 is a watershed year for Indian aviation industry for two significant reasons. First, with re-launch of new private sector airline it finally signalled the end of the shock that followed from the failure of airlines in the earlier phase. Secondly, India entered the era of low cost airlines. Launch of low cost airline (LCA) radically altered the nature of competition within the airline industry, especially on short-haul routes. LCAs exploited different operational methods, fewer service offerings (e.g. charges for in-flight catering) and distribution efficiencies (e.g. internet-only bookings) to lower their cost base and to lower the average fares paid by customers. Strong competition from LCAs forced the full cost airlines (FCAs) to respond or to fail.

India's first low-cost airline, Air Deccan started service on August 25, 2003. The airline's fares for the Delhi-Bangalore route were 30% less than those offered by its rivals such as Indian Airlines, Air Sahara and Jet Airways on the same route. The success of Air Deccan spurred the entry of nearly a dozen low-cost airlines in India. Within a few years setting up its operation Air Deccan had to face stiff competition from other low-cost Indian carriers such as Jetlite, SpiceJet, GoAir, IndiGo Airlines and Paramount Airways. After a year of operation, in 2006, Kingfisher Airlines changed its business model from low-cost to value airlines.

The LCAs made the years 2005 and 2006 the most eventful years for Indian aviation. The two years were characterised by a rapid growth in the size of the passenger market and a fiercely fought price war in which the full service carriers too joined in. Fares kept plunging beyond anybody’s expectation and as fare fell the number of air travellers increased manifold, a significant majority of which were first time travellers. Growth in passengers induced a growth in number of aircrafts as well. There were several other factors as well that contributed to the spurt in growth of the aviation sector. On the demand side were factors like GDP growth, under penetrated market, rising disposable income, growth in tourism. On the supply side were factors like improved infrastructure and a more mature market.

Unlike the past, present day Indian aviation is clearly got divided into two categories that of full service carriers and low cost carriers. The advent of low cost carriers resulted in making significant changes in the nature and development of the industry. As price competition strengthened the pressure on airlines to contain cost increased and as a result quality of service suffered, most noticeable in delays/cancellation of flights and poor in flight catering.

It also had a few downside, the revenue model of LCAs was based on a heavily discounted fare structure and an absolutely stripped down passenger amenities. While the business model of low cost was bringing in the passenger it also meant that margin had to necessarily remain small, significantly this implied that even if an airline was to earn a profit the volume of profit was likely to be low unless the volume of passenger carried was very large. However, increasing the number of passengers might have required increasing the number of destinations, number of aircrafts and so on, which would have implied added overheads and added costs. Thus the success of LCA depended much on the skill of the airline in successfully managing its yield, optimising its route planning and efficient designing of its scheduling.

….. Recession

Fare Setting, Fare War and their Consequences

Though low fares resulted in higher traffic it also led to lower yield, which combined with higher input cost put severe strain on airlines finances. Most of the newly launched airlines were running in losses, even the more established airlines were finding it hard to make profit regularly. Towards the end of 2006, mounting price war, financial losses and rapidly expanding capacity created a situation where an imminent catastrophe of closure of several airlines looked real enough.

If Indian aviation in 2007 has to be described in a single word then ‘consolidation’ would be the right term to use. After a fiercely fought price war in 2006, that saw several airlines coming dangerously close to bankruptcy and thus raising the spectre of a repeat of the 1990s, 2007 saw saner elements prevail. Airlines realized that the price war that they were waging could only result in pyrrhic victory. The most significant gain of 2007 thus was return to realistic pricing of airfare. 2007 witnessed completion of one major merger, setting in motion of the process of merger in another case and in a third case conclusion of a merger the process for which had started in earlier years. Analysts expected that the impact of these consolidations would be felt in 2008; while in the case of Air India-Indian Airlines merger infusion of new funds was not expected, in the case of Deccan-Kingfisher merger a significant infusion of funds was thought to be inevitable in the light of the poor financial health of Air Deccan.

Passenger traffic continued to grow at a healthy rate in 2007. This prompted nearly all the airlines to place orders for buying new aircraft, undeterred by the fact that they posted combined losses of about Rs 2,000 crore largely on account of rising fuel costs.

While yields slid, operation costs mounted. Airline CFOs were reported to claim that more than 80 percent of the cost had become "uncontrollable". These included wage and fuel costs (60 percent of all expenses) and higher depreciation and interest charges. These were taking a toll on the financial health of all airlines.

The sub prime crisis in the US had its impact on the Indian aviation as well. Augmenting funding from international banks became difficult as most major lenders were grappling with the sub prime crisis gripping the US market; they reduced their exposure towards funding airlines.

From the brief description of developments between 2005 and 2007 in the Indian aviation, it can be observed that the genesis of a recession had been shown way back in 2005 and continued in the subsequent year in the form of price war. The industry in general was selling a severely under priced product. Airlines, including full service carriers, were following similar business strategies. The primary aim of airlines at the time was to gain market share. In order to fulfil their objective of obtaining market share the airlines went about offering discounted fare, at times, at ridiculously low rate. For example, as recently as in late 2007 in order to gain market share GoAir positioned its fares around 30 per cent lower than most airlines and on a clogged sector like Mumbai-Delhi, where a Kingfisher ticket cost Rs 2,000 as basic fare a GoAir ticket went as low as Rs 500.

The airlines seemed to believe that if they could garner a fair share of the market then profit would automatically follow. This was obviously based on an inadequate understanding of basic economics. In a competitive market an enterprise can become a price setter if and only if it establishes a dominant position (thumb rule - a market share of over 50%), failing that the enterprise has to remain a price taker. It was over optimistic for any airline to hope to reach the dominant position in the short run in a market that had nearly a dozen competitors. In the long run, through a process of mergers and acquisitions as also demise of a few enterprises, the market may reach a position of oligopoly providing the survivors the power to dictate price and perhaps recoup the earlier losses. The problem is the market never guarantees how long the process would take and who would be the survivors.

In the previous section on economics of airline business we discussed at length the intricacies of rate setting in airline business. It was pointed out rate fixing a combination of cost of service and the value of service. Cost of service is defined as the amount of money needed for a utility to operate and maintain facilities, cover capital expenses, and provide an opportunity to earn a profit. It is obvious that airlines that were deliberately under cutting fares were not aiming at covering even the cost of service, thus an element of loss was inbuilt in their business strategy. Primarily the issue boiled down to the length of time a airline was willing and financially capable of waiting to ultimately acquire the status of a monopolist or a oligopolist. Clearly, alongside price war the airlines were also involved in a battle of attrition, each waiting for the other to blink first.

As for value of service, since under pricing was the order of the day apparently no airline was interested in realising the fare that the traffic was willing to bear. This disinterest of airlines to charge a fair fare had disastrous consequences as demonstrated in the experience of Air Deccan. In a bid to attract passengers Deccan often launched, and much fanfare, schemes like one rupee, three-rupee fare. The airline in its publicity materials never made it clear that it was not offering all its seats at Re. 1 and the numbers of seats under the scheme were very limited. That the whole purpose of the scheme was to attract eyeballs was also never clearly conceded by the airline. Anecdotal evidence suggests that the schemes were successful fulfilling its primary objective of creating a buzz. It was said that usually on the opening day of the scheme would be passengers were logging onto the airline website at the stroke of midnight to grab a ticket. The unfortunate part was that every the schemes were on offer those not getting a ticket far outnumbered those who got one. The disappointments led to negative publicity for the airline as the people were, perhaps without much justification, quick to conclude that the airline was not offering any seat at the promised fare and making a fool of them. Sensing the loss in trust and its negative impact the airline ultimately had to offer many more seats than it originally planned so that there would be a visible number of haves than have nots.

While other airlines did not replicate Deccan’s one rupee scheme they tried counteracting Deccan’s advantage by offering ultra cheap fares. This strategy too had unwelcome consequences. It resulted in airlines getting stuck in ‘sticky price point syndrome’7. The syndrome refers to that price of a product which even if marginally breached leads to a severe fall in demand. For some reason, which economists are yet not able to explain properly, the consumer develops a preference for a particular price point of a product. At this price point she is always willing to buy the product, however, the moment the price goes beyond the preferred price point (even by a small degree) she stops her purchase. The funniest thing is that the consumer may still continue to buy the same product but differently positioned by the company. Companies whose products get afflicted by this syndrome find themselves in a peculiar situation. It is not that there is no demand for the product; it is just that at a price beyond the preferred price point the demand dries up. The dilemma faced by the company is whether to retain the price point or abandon it. In the case of airline the passengers got so used to ultra cheap fares that beyond a certain point the efforts of airlines to raise fares often led to passenger deserting air travel and switching back to train travel. Observed data suggests that the preferred price point happens to be Rs. 1000 i.e.; the moment the difference between air and train fare goes beyond this point the reverse movement from air to train starts.

Thus, due to an inadequate understanding of economics of airline business, from 2005 onwards airlines had been a perusing a fare strategy that was tailor made for paving the way towards financial disaster. The airlines made too literal an interpretation of demand theory according to which when price falls demand goes up; yes it does but provided a host of other factors also stand up. In this case the two most important factors that the airlines missed out were price elasticity and income elasticity. In 2007 when airlines started the exercise of fare correction through levy of fuel surcharge, initially the growth in passenger traffic did not suffer. After a point continuous rise in airfares started to become a barrier for low-cost fliers. As fuel surcharges crossed the actual fares in several sectors, several leisure travellers and relatively new flyers started shifting to the railways and long distance buses. Airlines aught to not have ignored them, as this was the segment that had fuelled rapid growth in the sector and which had prompted airlines to add capacity.

Over Capacity

As in 1990s this time too there were far more seats on offer than actual demand. For example, while the passenger traffic in 2006 increased at around 25%, the past year saw a capacity addition of 48%. As on the previous occasion the airlines were not altogether to be blamed for this. Periodic over capacity is a characteristic in an industry where capacity can only be created in manufacturer-determined sizes. Airline shares this characteristic with other modes of transport, notably shipping. An element of cyclic behaviour is, in inbuilt in airline business.

In matured markets commercial aviation business cycles have a period of 7-10 years. In this type of cycles, economic growth as a driver of demand, the ordering and retirement of equipment, and the entry and exit of firms in the different markets are the key variables that influence the length and severity of the cycle.

In the period following the second round of liberalisation effect the following dynamics could be seen as driving the industry. The first effect was advent of a number of new airlines. These new entrants had lower operating costs than incumbent airlines as they operated younger fleets and their employees had low seniority and commensurate salaries. What they lacked was network size – a key parameter for attracting passengers. Therefore, a race began to gain market share and utilise capacity at a disregard for short profitability. This behaviour, although rational in the short-term for a single player, created the illusion that even more capacity is needed as the lowered prices boosted demand; this was exacerbated by a growing economy. Airframe manufacturers and, later, leasing firms were happy to oblige in providing the capacity that was being ordered, despite the mismatch between demand growth and the much higher capacity growth, as that also helped them reduce their unit costs faster and compete for market share in an oligopolistic market.

Overcapacity inevitably led to price wars and substantial losses and even when carriers failed, their aircraft was re-circulated as leased or sold to new entrants willing to try their chances. Investors willing to finance these ventures facilitated this effect.

Two other factors dictated the retention of capacity by airlines: high midterm fixed costs and the sophisticated pricing capability offered by revenue management systems to maximise flight passenger revenue. The significant medium-term fixed costs faced by airlines included the need to “hoard” or retain highly trained employees if the airline was to remain competitive at the next market upturn while the costs for long-term leases, owned equipment and gate leases were also fixed in the medium-term. The high fixed costs made the prospect of price wars more palatable to airline managers as at least these would ensure a source of badly needed short-term liquidity even at the expense of profitability and long-term viability. The modern revenue management software also provide a way of filling up the aircraft at ever higher load factors but at prices that sometimes did not cover the costs of the operation; the belief that the marginal cost of a seat is zero obscured the fact that in some cases the prices charged meant that the break-even load factor exceeded one.

In the description above, the key factor is the repeated mismatch between available capacity and demand in the industry with tight capacity matched by increased demand and high returns and vice versa. Airlines have flexibility in reducing available capacity; depending on the time horizon of the decision maker, schedules can be cut back in the short term and aircraft can be parked, returned to the lessor, sold, or scrapped in the medium and long term while airlines can go out of business. Yet, this flexibility is limited by several factors: firstly, an airline’s frequency and network coverage is a key competitive advantage which is only reluctantly forfeited; secondly, aircraft are expensive assets that do not produce if underutilised while their lease or interest and capital payments continue; thirdly, even when an aircraft is returned to the lessor or sold it will return in the market sooner rather than later.

Conclusion

Rising fuel cost has generally been called responsible for the current recession in the aviation sector. Our analysis, however, point to other factors that were directly responsible than fuel cost. The airline industry had been following a business strategy that bound to lead to recession at some point of time. Though in recent times airlines tried to ward off the inevitable by abandoning price war and attempting to restore a more viable fare structure but their earlier deed had reduced fares to such a low level that bringing that up to a realistic level involved raising fares manifold which the airline were unable to do due to elastic demand that triggered off consumer resistance beyond a certain level of fare. Any steep increase in fare was going to affect passenger demand seriously was likely to jeopardise the financial position of the airlines even further. In nutshell, by following policies that were counter productive to profitable growth airlines had pushed themselves so far into a corner a calamity was waiting to happen; rising fuel only acted as a trigger.

Tuesday, August 05, 2008

Fuel Crisis – How Airlines are managing

The airline industry is facing a multifaceted economic crisis: rapidly rising fuel costs, the U.S. economic slowdown, and difficulty raising capital for operations. Major airlines have responded by reducing service on some routes, abandoning service on others, idling planes, raising fares and other charges, and laying off personnel. As a result, consumers face higher travel costs and fewer options.

Oil is becoming scarcer and harder to produce. Several former big areas of oil production are in decline while other top oil-producing countries, including Nigeria, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Venezuela, are either unwilling or unable to lift production. Chinese demand is expected to more than double by 2030. Hedge funds and investment banks have been placing big bets that oil prices will continue to rise, amplifying the volatility in prices. The head of Opec and Goldman Sachs have said that prices could rise to $200 per barrel but other industry players have said that they are baffled by current prices because, despite the pressures in the market, there is still sufficient oil to meet global demand. High prices are also stimulating a frenzy of investment in new fields previously considered too small, expensive or geologically challenging to extract commercially. This could have a dampening impact on oil prices when more of these enter production. But production simply cannot continue to grow indefinitely. By 2035 the world will use more than twice as much energy as it does today and demand for oil could rise from 85 million barrels a day to more than 120 million barrels.

According to the Air Transport Association major carriers are expected to spend more than $61 billion on jet fuel in 2008, compared with $41 billion in 2007. That difference is enough to bankroll 267,000 airline jobs or 286 new narrow-body jets. As a result, airlines are expected to lose a combined $7 billion to $13 billion in 2008, or $10.89 per passenger. As recently as in June this year, US Airways said that its fuel expense for each round trip passenger averages USD 299 that was USD 151 in 2007. An average one-way ticket on American Airlines these days runs USD 221, compared with USD 206 in 2007, but the cost of oil per fare has risen to USD 107 from USD 32 in the same period. Delta Airlines projects its 2008 fuel cost to accelerate by USD 4 billion, it expects that its own operations will cover just 75% of that increase. The airline is in the midst of merger agreement with Northwest Airlines that may help it in stemming some of these expenses. British Airways, which is one of only 14 airlines in the world with a profit margin of more than 10%, has admitted it could move from a profit of £883m to a loss over the next two years despite its robust cost base and balance sheet. Fuel now accounts for 35 percent of British Airway's overall costs - compared to just 10 percent 12 months ago. The rest of the British airlines industry is less resilient and operates on an average profit margin of just over 1%, underlining the threat posed by a sudden spike in fuel costs.

Survival Strategies

#1 Fare Hikes

According to study by Airline Forecast, a consulting firm, all of the major US airlines could be in bankruptcy by early next year if oil prices remain where they are. The study found that if fuel prices remain high the top 25 airlines would spend over USD 25 billion more for fuel this year. And the major airlines could lose up to USD 9 billion over next 12 months. The study found that fares would have to increase 20% across the board to compensate for the higher costs. Raising fare is precisely what the airlines have been doing ever since fuel crisis overtook the industry. US airlines have raised fares 14 times this year; whereas, the Australian airlines Qantas in May 2008 raised its fare for the second time in less than a month. According to the latest data released by the Bureau of Transportation Statistics average US domestic air fares in the first quarter of 2008 were up 4.4 percent from the first quarter of 2007 being the largest year-to-year increase since second quarter 2006. The average domestic itinerary fare in the first quarter of 2008 of $332 was the highest average fare since the second quarter of 2006.

US Airfare Hikes 2008 - Timeline

Year

Airfare Hike Attempts

Airfare Hike “Successes”

Attempted Base Airfare Hike Attempts

Attempted Fuel Surcharge Hike Attempts

Initiated Most Hikes

2008

21

15

10

11

United (10)

2007

23

17

United (7)

Lufthansa, the German flag carrier and the largest airline in Europe in terms of overall passengers carried, has raised fuel surcharge on all its flights as a means of coping with the soaring costs of crude oil and kerosene, the recent increase was on 16th July. Singapore Airlines, the national airline of Singapore, has so far on five occasions increased the fuel surcharge on all its flights owing to rising fuel costs. On several international routes, the fuel surcharge compared to last summer has more than doubled. Listed below is a comparison chart of fuel surcharges in summer 2007, spring 2008 and the current fuel surcharges by most major airlines that offer international service from the United States.

Destination

Summer 2007 Fuel Surcharge (Roundtrip)

Spring 2008 Fuel Surcharge (Roundtrip)

Summer 2008 Fuel Surcharge (Roundtrip)

Most European cities including Amsterdam, Athens, Madrid, Moscow, Paris, Prague and Rome

$150

$270

$330

United Kingdom (London, Manchester and Glasgow) from most Eastern U.S. cities

$130

$242

$302

United Kingdom (London, Manchester and Glasgow) from most Western U.S. cities

$130

$306

$426

Beijing, Manila and Tokyo

$180

$270

$340

Most German cities including Berlin, Frankfurt and Munich

$150

$210

$180

Hong Kong

$180

$270

$340

Honolulu

$18

$130

$260

Most Mexico cities including Mexico City, Acapulco, Los Cabos and Puerto Vallarta

$80

$120

$140

Rio de Janeiro

$56

$170

$210

San Jose, Costa Rica

$130

$250

$290

Santiago, Chile

$130

$310

$390

Sydney

$70

$230

$220

In May this year Air Canada introduced fuel surcharge on its domestic flights for the first time in four years. The surcharges were in addition to ones already in place for international flights. The price hikes were:

  • $40 for return flights of less than 480 kilometres

  • $80 for return flights between 480 and 1,600 kilometers

  • $120 for return flights longer than 1,600 kilometers

Air New Zealand raised domestic and short haul international fares by an average 3% in May this year. It also decided to replace Boeing 747 planes on its service to London through Los Angeles with more fuel efficient Boeing 777s. Emirates Airlines has announced that its tickets would rise by 10 percent for first and business class, and five percent for economy class from August 1.

# 2 Schedule/Flight/Route Rationalisation

This is the second most frequent step being taken by the airlines to fight fuel crisis. Airlines have taken to grounding of aircraft rather than fly on uneconomic routes. The US airlines were the first to take the lead in this direction and they have been followed by airlines elsewhere in the world. In the face of a 21% rise in its fuel costs this year budget carrier Virgin Blue has cut some domestic routes and raised fares by an average $5 across more than half its routes. Virgin also decided to take four jets from the domestic market; cuttings planned capacity growth for the next fiscal year by 6%, and redeploy some planes out of loss-making services into new or more attractive markets. Qantas has blamed the relentless rise in fuel prices for the first major cut in its services since the SARS crisis hit the airline industry five years ago, after announcing plans to retire and ground some of its domestic aircraft from July. Qantas has also announced its plans to exit several low-yielding routes, including the Sydney-Gold Coast route in order to cut costs. According to Qantas the domestic cuts equate to the grounding of six jets. American Airlines, the world’s largest carrier, plans to cut domestic capacity by 12 percent in the fourth quarter of this year. United Airlines will cut domestic capacity by 15 percent in the fourth quarter, slash 1,500 jobs and jettison its low-fare unit Ted. The airline plans to cut mainline domestic capacity by 17 to 18 percent in 2009, while also scaling back international capacity by 4 to 5 percent. Continental Airlines plans to cut domestic capacity by 11 percent in the fourth quarter and retire 67 of its older and least-fuel-efficient planes through 2009. Recently budget carrier Ryanair announced that it planned to cut its number of weekly flights from more than 1850 to just under 1600 this winter. Similar trend is observed in the Asian region as well. At least seven major Asia-Pacific airlines have announced plans to cut flights in the past two weeks. China Airlines and EVA Airways Corp., Taiwan's largest carriers, plan to cut as much as 10 percent of flights. Cathay Pacific Airways has indicated that it might cut some routes, particularly on longhaul North American services, and accelerate aircraft retirement. Thai Airwyas has responded to the fuel crisis by grounding an entire fleet of fuel-guzzling four-engine jets and axing Bangkok-New York flights. Thai also intends to trim its Los Angeles service and will re-route others via Japan using fuel-efficient twin-engine aicraft. SriLankan Airlines has decided that it will be temporarily reducing the number of flights on some routes in its network of 41 destinations in 22 countries in Europe, the Middle East and Asia in response to rocketing oil prices. In India, Air India has withdrawn at least 20 services from different routes from July 1 while Jet Airways, the country's largest private airline, has withdrawn its low-cost subsidiary JetLite from 25 routes. Spice Jet, a Delhi-based low-cost carrier, has cancelled about 10 flights. Kingfisher Airlines has deferred the launch of its international operations from next month to September. Simplifly Deccan, Kingfisher's low-cost unit, has struck off about 48 flights on its short-haul routes. GoAir has cut its flights from 1,000 to about 800 a month. China Southern may cut services on at least 21 international routes, including flights to Hanoi, Paris and Los Angeles. China Eastern, the nation's third-biggest carrier, may trim some long-haul routes.

# 3 Baggage Fees

Baggage fees are fast becoming an unavoidable part of flying. Three of the largest US carriers now charge $15 for a first checked bag. Most U.S. carriers already have instituted a $25 charge for checking a second bag. As of July 1, Southwest Airlines is the only U.S. carrier that permits two checked bags for free.

Now, some carriers charge passengers for all checked luggage, and many have raised their overweight and oversize fees. Even bags that are allowed free of charge must, in most cases, weigh 50 pounds or less, and the sum of a bag's length, width and height must be 62 inches or less. To prevent passengers from dragging big bags into the cabin, some airlines are becoming more vigilant about carry-ons as well. Below are the fees that some major US carriers charge for oversize and overweight baggage, as well as new checked-bag fees and size limits for carry-ons. AirTran

Checked bag fees: First, free; second, $10 online, $20 at airport; third, $50. Overweight bag fees: 51-70 pounds, $29; 71-100 pounds, $69. Oversize bag fees: 62-70 inches, $29; 71-80 inches, $69. Carry-on limit: 55 inches. American Checked bag fees: First, $15; second, $25; third to fifth, $100 each; sixth, $200. Overweight bag fees: 51-70 pounds, $50. 71-100 pounds, $100. Oversize bag fees: 63-115 inches, $150. Carry-on limit: 45 inches and 40 pounds. Continental Checked bag fees: First, free; second, $25; third, $100. Overweight bag fees: 51-70 pounds, $50. Oversize bag fees: 63-115 inches, $100. Carry-on limit: 51 inches and 40 pounds. Delta Checked bag fees: (Domestic) First, free; second, $25; third to 10th, $80 to $180 each. Overweight bag fees: 51-70 pounds, $80; 71-100 pounds, $150. Oversize bag fees: 62-80 inches, $150. Carry-on limit: 45 inches and 40 pounds.

JetBlue

Checked bag fees: First, free; second, $10; third, $75. Overweight bag fees: 51-70 pounds, $50. 71-99 pounds, $100. Oversize bag fees: 63-80 inches, $75. Carry-on limit: 50 inches for Embraer 190 planes, 56 inches for Airbus A320s. Northwest Checked bag fees: First, $15; second, $25; third, $100. Overweight bag fees: 51-70 pounds, $50. Oversize bag fees: (Domestic) 63-80 inches, $100. Carry-on limit: 45 inches. Southwest Checked bag fees: First and second, free; third, $25; fourth and additional, $50 to $110 each. Overweight bag fees: 51-70 pounds, $25; 71-100 pounds, $50. Oversize bag fees: 63-80 inches, $50. Carry-on limit: 50 inches. United (fees effective from Aug. 18) Checked bag fees: (Domestic) First, $15; second, $25; third and additional, $125 to $250 each. Overweight bag fees: 51-100 pounds, $125. Oversize bag fees: 63-115 inches, $125. Carry-on limit: 45 inches. US Airways Checked bag fees: First, $15; second, $25; third and additional, $100 each. Overweight bag fees: 51-70 pounds, $50 to $150; 71- 100 pounds, $100 to $200 (based on number of bags). Oversize bag fees: 62-80 inches: $100. Carry-on limit: 51 inches.

# 4 The Unusual - Things Airlines Are Doing to Reduce Weight (and Save Fuel)

Airlines are doing all sorts of imaginative things to drop pounds off a plane, to save fuel. Some airlines are finding new and novel ways to conserve fuel and face the crisis.

Alaska Airlines plans to replace 16 MD-80 planes with 737-800s, which use 18 percent less fuel. The carrier also began using lighter catering carts last year and is using satellites to fly more direct routes.

American, the largest U.S. carrier, is modifying the tail cones on its MD-80 planes to be more aerodynamic and using beverage carts that are lighter than older models.

For the past few years, American has also used less paint on the outside of planes to lighten the load. Not only can paint weigh down an aircraft (paint can weigh 440 lbs on a 747), it can create drag if chipped, and that consumes more fuel. Cathay Pacific has joined American in peeling paints off its aircrafts.

US Airways is carrying less extra fuel on flights and ordering new aircraft to replace the more fuel-hungry planes. It also is changing speeds while flying to take advantage of strong tail winds or other conditions.

Some airlines, including Delta, are retrofitting planes with "winglets," vertical extensions of wingtips that improve an aircraft's fuel efficiency by roughly 3 percent.

And to avoid wasting fuel by flying half-empty planes, some airlines are flying fewer or smaller jets. Delta, for instance, ended leases on 13 domestic aircraft in the fourth quarter and canceled orders for some aircraft next year.

Southwest figures that, since it began washing some of its jet engines on a nightly basis last April (to reduce “drag” caused by dirt), its saved $1.6 million in fuel costs.

Cathay's fleet is using luggage containers made of Twintex. The new containers are about 50 pounds lighter than the older ones made of aluminum.

Airlines also are trying to cut fuel consumption at the airport. Most now run their planes' electrical systems at the gate by plugging them into outlets, rather than running the engines.

Many jets now taxi out to the runway on one engine, saving full power until in position for takeoff.

Some airlines are changing their landing patterns for certain flights. On red-eye trips into Cincinnati and Atlanta, some Delta jets descend steadily to the airport, rather than following the usual step pattern, which uses more fuel, when airports are busiest

Airlines including Delta are swapping heavier seats for models weighing about five pounds less.

American is replacing its bulky drink carts with ones that are 17 pounds lighter. The airline said that move would help save 1.9 million gallons of fuel a year, on top of the 96 million gallons it is saving through other means.

Japan Airlines is reducing the number of newspapers and magazines on international flights, which achieve a 50-pound reduction in aircraft weight. The Japanese carrier is also using smaller cutlery used on international flights, cutting the weight of each piece an average of 0.07 ounces.

The Ones’ Who Have Escaped the Wrath

While the rest of the world’s aviation prepares for economic storms, Russia’s aviation industry and Gulf carriers seems oblivious to the weather forecast. Aeroflot, still the largest Russian airline and the predominant flag carrier, continues to predict 30% growth this year while sitting on cash reserves of around USD3 billion. And the largest domestic operator, Siberia Airlines passenger numbers were up 26% in the first half of 2008, due first and foremost to the general positive growth trend in air travel on the Russian market, which also grew by 23% overall. Russia’s GDP grew at 8% in the first half, benefiting from high oil prices. Russian carriers handled 22.5 million passengers in the first half of 2008, up 19.9%, including 5 million passengers in Jun-08, up 8.7% and recording growth rate above 20% in the first five months of the year. Aeroflot’s Jun-08 passenger numbers rose 13.7%. In the January to May period (for which detailed data is currently available), total international passenger numbers to/from Russia rose 24% to 7.9 million (or 45.2% of the total), including a 24.8% increase in traffic between Russia and foreign countries outside the CIS and a 20% increase in traffic between Russia and CIS states. Domestic passenger numbers rose 23.7% in the first five months of 2008 to 9.6 million (or 54.8% of the total); the average increase in 2007 was only 18.6 percent.

Middle East carriers grew by some 18% in 2007, nearly more than double than any other carrier. Revenues for the region's carriers in 2007 rose by a quarter, Emirates saw its revenues break the $10 billion mark. It is now among just 16 carriers in the world with revenues at this high water level. Qatar Airways saw its revenues climb a staggering 40% to $2.7 billion last year, while youngster ­Etihad nearly doubled its revenues to $1.5 billion. Furthermore, the gulf airlines are mining fast-growing routes. Passenger traffic between the Middle East and Africa rose 19.8 percent in the five months to June this year, and 14 percent between the Middle East and Far East. That compares with average growth of 4.5 percent for all international routes.

The Middle Eastern carriers are also running a tight ship. During the five months to May, the load factor, or percentage of available seats sold, on the region’s airlines was 74.6, according to association figures, in line with a “high” global average of 75.2. The level means that Middle Eastern airlines are flying as full as their rivals and suggests that they are not emptying their competitors’ planes. But over the longer run, aviation experts feel, airlines like Emirates, which compete on price for the mass market and on service for business travelers, should make some inroads against competitors.

Furthermore, the gulf airlines are mining fast-growing routes. Passenger traffic between the Middle East and Africa rose 19.8 percent in the five months to June this year, and 14 percent between the Middle East and Far East, though from a low base, the association said. That compares with average growth of 4.5 percent for all international routes.

The Middle Eastern carriers are also running a tight ship. During the five months to May, the load factor, or percentage of available seats sold, on the region’s airlines was 74.6, according to association figures, in line with a “high” global average of 75.2.

The level means that Middle Eastern airlines are flying as full as their rivals and suggests that they are not emptying their competitors’ planes.

But over the longer run, aviation experts said, airlines like Emirates, which compete on price for the mass market and on service for business travelers, should make some inroads against competitors.

Emirates recent decision to cancel its service to Alexandria, Egypt and deferment of its plan to have direct flights to Durban, South Africa from Dubai in December because of high fuel costs are perhaps the first sign that Middle East airlines are beginning to take a hit from high oil prices. Until now, no carrier had announced cut-backs on flights or destinations. In fact, many carriers in the region have added one or more routes during the first half of this year.

Gulf carriers have been somewhat immune to high fuel prices largely due to the fact that Gulf region is buoyant economically. People in the region are the ones who are benefiting from the fuel price surge, so they have extra money in their pockets to spend on travel. Gulf airlines are also benefiting from the fact that they are increasingly serving as hubs for travellers across Asia and Europe. Another key factor in Gulf carriers favour is that they tend to have young, modern fleets which are more fuel efficient than older aircraft

Gulf low-cost carriers under pressure

In the Gulf, low-cost carriers have had success in providing services to a price-sensitive customer base made up largely of workers who are travelling home to high population areas. However, the smaller low-cost carriers are under increasing pressure because they don't have the cash reserves to keep their prices low as fuel prices continue to rise. The first low-cost carrier in the region that has begun to feel the pinch of high fuel prices is Sama Airlines. The carrier has had to introduce a fuel surcharge on international and domestic flights to offset some of the cost of the increase in fuel. It has also deferred some aircraft additions to its fleet until the direction in oil prices becomes clear, To help offset high oil costs, the airline has implemented a programme to reduce fuel burn by optimising flight paths and reducing unnecessary weight on the aircraft. So far the airline has not been forced to cut any destinations, but it is taking a close look at its routes.

Thursday, May 29, 2008

Fuel Surcharge and Air Travel Demand

Fuel Surcharge and Air Travel Demand

Fuel Surcharge

The purpose of this study is an evaluation of fuel surcharge and the extent to which they impact air travel demand. Whatever justification the airlines may have for levying this surcharge and howsoever they may like to stress the point that they have not increased the basic fare of air travel passengers view fuel surcharge differently from that of the airlines. The passenger regards any charge added on to the basic fare as an additional element of expenditure that increases his travel cost which in turn affects his purchase decision.

Curiously, while all airlines in India levy fuel surcharge there are many airlines outside India that do not charge fuel surcharge (for a list of airlines charging fuel surcharge see Annexure 1). Despite the fact that fuel prices have been rising unstoppably to record levels over the last four years, many airlines have remained profitable and have minimised the harmful impact of increasing fuel costs. Airlines have found an efficient management tool capable of ensuring more stable returns for shareholders and investors within this hostile environment. However, to be fair to the airlines in India it must be stated that techniques for improving fuel efficiency have already been exhausted and with fuel prices at the current high fuel hedging is a risky operation, therefore evidence indicates that fuel surcharges are the only short term measure capable of dealing with the volatility of fuel prices. Hence, to prevent being financially eroded, airlines have introduced fuel surcharges as a way forward to pass the burden of increasing fuel costs onto passengers.

Introduction of fuel surcharge in India had a precedence with developments in the US and European aviation industry. In the US concern about the price of fuel started in 1993 when the Government of the United States proposed the introduction of a fuel-tax. This preceded the recent consideration of fuel surcharges but initiated the anxiety within airlines about fuel related costs. The intention for the revenue from the fuel tax was to reduce the federal budget deficit. As concern grew and crude oil prices reached the highest levels since the Gulf conflict five years before, airlines were motivated into rapidly considering alternatives in order to offset damages from globally soaring fuel prices and fuel related taxes. The likely solution was imposing a fuel surcharge on ticket prices in order to pass this burden onto the passenger. Consequently, many US airlines attempted to impart the rise of oil prices onto customers, although the attempt was unsuccessful. However, as a consequence of a series of developments American airlines were allowed to impose fuel surcharge in 2004, the airlines, among others, included Northwest Airlines and American Airlines. In Europe and Asia too similar action followed, in the passenger sector, KLM was one of the first airlines to add a surcharge to passenger fares (November 1996), although it was firstly introduced in the cargo sector by other airlines such as Lufthansa, Swissair Cargo or KLM Cargo. By 2000, both passenger and cargo airlines had introduced fuel surcharges onto customers to share the burden of soaring jet fuel costs, with different approaches and outcomes being achieved. Not only that but some low cost carriers, which always seemed quite reluctant to implement fuel surcharges, could not postpone them any longer and had to add them. That was the case of Virgin Express and Germanwings. Hence, all carriers were taking action to compensate higher fuel costs to some extent, either through fuel surcharges as network carriers or yield management as the preferred option of low cost carriers. The immediate effect of the fuel-related surcharge was a worldwide increase on fares that consequently helped airlines improve their average passenger yield. Hence, airlines decided to keep this surcharge in place since the increase in revenue associated with this yield improvement enabled airlines to offset the high fuel price costs.

In India departing from the trend witnessed in other parts of the world the low cost airlines were the first to introduce fuel surcharge. First introduced by Deccan in March 2006 (and followed by other airlines in quick succession) at a modest Rs. 150 per ticket fuel surcharge was largely ignored by the passengers as an additional cost. The reaction of the passengers seemed to convey an impression of approval of the action taken by the airlines and an appreciation of the problems faced by airlines due to rising fuel prices. Perhaps encouraged by the public response airlines embraced fuel surcharge with great enthusiasm and revised it in fairly quick succession. It has now reached a stage where fuel surcharge in most instances outstrips basic and undiscounted fare by a fair margin. In 2006 fuel surcharge was revised six times, in 2007, five times and in 2008, once so far. Consumer resistance to fuel surcharge hike has started to manifest. Whereas earlier objection to fuel surcharge was generally confined to voicing displeasure at the perceived opacity between the advertised fare and the fare actually charged by the airlines but of late voices are being heard who are ready to question even the necessity of such a surcharge. The Indian consumer has been conditioned by years of soft handling of domestic petroleum prices (which are not revised as frequently as ATF) and hence the reluctance of airline passengers to accept frequent increase in fuel surcharge as a common trend although between March 2006 and March 2008 share of fuel in the cost of operation of an airline in India has gone up from 24% to almost 40%.

Fuel Surcharge

Amount (Rs.)

Cumulative

March ‘06

150

150

May ‘06

150

300

July ‘06

200

500

August ‘06

150

650

September ‘06

100

750

November ‘06

150

900

May ‘07

150

1050

July ‘07

50

1100

August ‘07

150

1250

October ‘07

100

1350

December ‘07

300

1650

April ‘08

150 (Short haul)

350 (long Haul

1800 - 2000

As the table alongside indicates, fuel surcharge has been revised practically every alternate month and mostly by Rs. 150. How the sum 150 was arrived at and why it has remained the preferred rate of revision is not known. In fact, questions have been raised about the scientific validity of quantum of fuel surcharge being charged by the airlines. The amount is identical irrespective of type of aircraft, the length of distance and type of class flown.

Fuel surcharge is linked to the price of ATF, which in turn is linked to the price of Indian Basket of crude oil. Price of both ATF and Indian Basket has remained very volatile over the past two years with upward peaks far outstripping the downward troughs. Between March 2006 and March 2008 price of Indian Basket of crude oil has gone up by 51% and that of ATF by 34%. Incidentally price of Indian crude is lower than Brent but higher than Dubai prices.

During the period March 2006 and April 2008, ATF price has been revised every month while fuel surcharge has been revised only thirteen times. However, the significant difference is that during this period there were seven occasions of downward revision of ATF price but fuel surcharge was not reduced even once. in all fairness to the airlines it must be added that they had all along resisted imposition of fuel surcharge and been absorbing the price rise. Even after

introduction of fuel surcharge airlines have not increased fuel surcharge on every occasion that ATF price has gone up, which perhaps indicate that airlines are absorbing a part of the fuel price hike even now.

We have already noted how initial passenger response to fuel surcharge was one of indifference that, as we shall later see in the paper, with progress in time has change to being frosty. The airlines by their action of presenting fuel surcharge as an item that was similar to tax and not to price (fare) to a great measure contributed to this transformation in public perception. To begin with it created confusion as to the real nature of the surcharge in the minds of the passenger and once this confusion was cleared by some quick clarification issued by the government it left them in two minds as to the extent they could rely on the claims of the airlines; an issue that has been particularly bothering their mind is whether the airlines have taken to complacency and they are passing on their cost inefficiencies on to the passengers in the garb of fuel surcharge. Existence of such a possibility cannot be denied. Mergers and acquisitions in the industry have reduced competition among airlines. Deccan and Sahara had been performing the role of price setter and their aggressive pricing strategy had kept fares low. The two airlines have now been neutralised by take over. Realignment of airlines ownership has to an extent restored the monopoly power of full service airlines and returned to them their role of price setter. This brings us to the question of what has been the impact fuel surcharge on passenger demand.

Air Travel Demand

Economic growth, business confidence, people's desire to travel and price are the key drivers of demand for air travel. In the Indian context price plays the most important role. In normal circumstances and under competitive conditions it is expected that a rise in price would lead to a fall in demand. However, the relationship between demand for a good and its price is a bit complex. It is not necessary that one rupee fall in price of a commodity should result in one rupee worth of rise in its demand. Demand being also a function of individual’s preference, the nature of the commodity and several quantifiable as well as non-quantifiable factors, a one to one correspondence between price of a product and the demand for it rarely exists. Even where price is the most important determinant of demand who is bearing the burden of payment becomes an important element in decision-making; in such cases personal preference and comfort play a more vital part than price. This is of particular relevance in the case of aviation where there are a large proportion of business travellers who generally do not have to bear their own travel cost. Thus low cost airlines are more likely to feel the impact of rise in fare on their passenger demand than full cost airlines. Another factor that influences relationship between price of a product and demand for it is the availability of a suitable substitute. Availability of alternate mode of transport, like rail and road have a direct bearing on the degree of impact that rise in fare would have on passenger demand. In general, impact on short haul route is relatively more than on long haul routes.

Both to measure as well as separate the impact of price and non-price factor on demand for a product, economics uses the concept of elasticity of demand. Elasticity measures the response or sensitivity of one economic variable to the change in another economic variable. Elasticities are a useful concept as they allow decision makers insight into the impact of different economic actions. A common elasticity concept is demand elasticity. This measures the change in quantify demanded of a particular good or service as result of changes to other economic variables, such as the price of the that good or service, the price of competing or complimentary goods/services, income levels, taxes, etc. There are three types of elasticity, price elasticity, income elasticity and cross price elasticity. In the present study we would use the concept of price elasticity.

Price elasticity is a measure economists use to capture consumers’ sensitivity to price changes for a particular good or service. The price elasticity is defined as:

% Change in Quantity Demanded

Price Elasticity =

% Change in Price

Since the quantity demanded generally decreases when the price increases, this ratio is usually expected to be negative. As an example, suppose a good has a price elasticity of -0.6; a 10% increase in the price will result in an 6% decline in the quantity demanded. For a good with a price elasticity of -1.2, a 10% increase in the price will result in a 12% decline in the quantity demanded.

Goods with elasticities less than one in absolute value are commonly referred to as having inelastic or price insensitive demand – the proportional change in quantity demanded will be less than the proportional change in price. In this situation, increasing the price will increase the revenue of the producer of the good, since the revenue lost by the relatively small decrease in quantity is less than the revenue gained from the higher price.

Goods with elasticities greater than one in absolute value are referred to as having elastic or price sensitive demand - the proportional change in quantity demanded will be greater than the proportional change in price. A price increase will result in a revenue decrease to the producer since the revenue lost from the resulting decrease in quantity sold is more than the revenue gained from the price increase.

Demand Elasticities in the Context of Air Transportation

In air transportation, as in many other sectors of the economy, the context in which the elasticities are considered can affect the value of the elasticities. In particular, the elasticity can vary depending on the availability of substitutes. Five different levels of aggregation are described below.

Fare Class Level: This is the most disaggregate level. In this context, travellers are choosing between different fare classes (first class, business class, full economy, discount economy, etc.) on particularly airlines. At this level, the elasticities are arguably highest. Travellers can easily switch between fare-class levels, airlines, use of another mode of travel (in some cases), or simply chose to not travel (i.e., other activities act as a substitute for air travel). For example, in response to an increase in the full economy fare on a given airline, the traveller can respond by booking a discount economy fare on the same airline, or book with another airline, or travel by another mode.

Carrier Level: The elasticities at this level of aggregation reflect the overall demand curve facing each air carrier on a given route. In situations where there are a number of air carriers serving the route, the demand elasticity faced by each carrier is likely to be fairly high - if an air carrier increases it fare unilaterally, it is likely to lose passengers to other carriers operating on that route.

Route/Market Level: At the route or market level the elasticity response might be expected to be generally lower than at the fare class or carrier level. Travellers faced with a fare increase on all carriers serving a route have fewer options for substitution. However, they can chose to travel on an alternative route travel by another mode (in some cases), or not travel.

National Level: At the national level, fare elasticities would be expected to be lower still, as travellers have fewer options for avoiding the fare increase. For example, if a government imposed a new or increased tax on aviation, travellers could only avoid this increase by using another mode (which may not always be possible), or not travelling (or possibly travelling elsewhere).

Pan-National Level: At the pan-national level a fare increase is imposed at some pan-national level; for example, the European Union imposing an aviation tax on all its member states. In this case, the options for avoiding the fare increase are even further reduced, so therefore the elasticity would be expected to be lower.

In recent years Indian aviation has seen very few instances of hike in basic fare, higher fare has mostly come from increase in fuel surcharge (the other surcharge, congestion surcharge, being currently levied by airlines has remained constant at Rs. 150 since its introduction). What effect fuel surcharge has had on air travel demand is brought out in the following chart. As expected, air travel demand is inversely related to fuel surcharge. An increase in fuel surcharge has after a lag invariably led to a fall in demand; conversely whenever fuel surcharge has fallen in percentage terms the growth in passenger demand too has improved.

The chart also brings out another aspect that aught to worry the airlines. The curve representing passenger carried is getting flatter, that is, the long-term rate of growth is slowing down. This is a disturbing trend emerging from fuel surcharge hikes particularly for the low cost airlines. When the market is growing everybody gains but when it starts to shrink it hurts the smaller, low cost airlines more because when airfare go up the leisure travellers, who form the bread and butter of budget carriers, are the first to drop out. Airlines like, Goair, Indigo, MDLR are likely to face hard time in the coming future. Also, further mergers and acquisition could be on the card; 2009 could witness another round of churning in Indian aviation.

Month

Year

Cumulative

Surcharge

Price

Elasticity

Dec-07

1650

- 0.18

Oct-07

1350

- 1.07

Aug-07

1250

- 0.05

Jul-07

1100

- 0.85

May-07

1050

- 0.45

Nov-06

900

- 0.16

Sep-06

750

- 0.14

Aug-06

650

- 0.05

Jul-06

500

- 0.07

May-06

300

- 0.09

Mar-06

150

Analysis of price elasticity throws up the expected results. There is a inverse relationship between fuel surcharge and passenger demand, that is, when fuel surcharge goes up passenger demand falls. However, from the airlines point of view the encouraging thing is that demand is inelastic therefore the proportional fall in passenger demand is less than the proportional increase in fuel surcharge.

At lower level of fuel surcharge the inelastic nature of demand is fairly strong, which gradually reduces with progressive increase in fuel surcharge and finally turns elastic, that is, absolute value of elasticity exceeds one, when fuel surcharge crosses the Rs 1000 mark. As already explained under situation of elastic demand, the proportional change in passenger demand would be greater than proportional change in fuel surcharge.

Our analysis suggests that the figure of Rs. 1000 is an important psychological benchmark in the mind of the passenger, once the fuel surcharge crosses this limit the impact of demand change is fully felt. Anecdotal evidences suggest that the reverse flow of passengers from air to rail has already started. Thus, from now onwards airlines have to be cautious in deciding upon any further increase in fuel surcharge.

Annexure 1

AIRLINES FUEL SURCHARGE CHART

Updated as of 24 April, 2008 5:29 PM

AIRLINES

EFFECTIVE DATE

SURCHARGE AMOUNT

1.

Air France (AF)

Domestic sector : increase by 1 Euros per flight sector.

Medium -haul : increase by 2 Euros per flight sector.

Long-haul : increase by 7 Euros per flight sector.

2.

Air India (AI)

17/07/2006

USD 63 per International sector

3.

All Nippon Airways (NH)

01/10/2007

Route

Surcharge (per sector, per person) For ticketing outside Japan

Japan - North America, Europe, Middle East

USD 108

Japan - Thailand, Singapore, Hawaii, Malaysia

USD 126

Japan - Taiwan, Guam, Vietnam

USD 72

Japan - Hong Kong

USD 72

Japan - China

USD 59

Japan - Korea

USD 23

4.

Air Mauritius (MK)

21/08/2006

EUR 47 per sector

EUR 47 per sector for SIN to MRU

5.

Air New Zealand (NZ)

22/05/2006

USD 65 per sector

YQ tax comprises the security tax and fuel surcharges for International sectors.

6.

Asiana Airlines (OZ)

01/05/2008

USD 70

USD 50 Per sector Singapore - Seoul/China/Japan

USD 70 OW to SWP, Area 1 & Area 2 via Korea

7.

Austrian Airlines (OS)

17/10/2006

USD 60 per sector

YQ here consists fuel & security charges

USD 20 per sector within Europe

USD 60 per sector for VIE, MEL sector

Eg, SIN-VIE-SIN=USD 60+USD 60

Eg, SIN-VIE-MUC-VIE-SIN=USD 60+USD 20+USD 20+USD 60

8

Bangkok Airways (PG)

24/05/2006

USD 30.00 per sector-International sector

USD 7.5 per sector for domestic sectors

9.

Cathay Pacific (CX)

01/04/2008

USD 66.40

USD 66.40 for CX flight coupons between Hong Kong and South West Pacific, North America, Europe, Middle East, Africa, South Asian Sub-Continent, between Bangkok and Dubai.

USD 16.00 for CX flight coupons not specified in the above.

10.

China Airlines (CI)

10/04/2008

USD 83 Per sector for Singapore - Taipei - Singapore

USD 40 Per sector for Singapore - Taipei - Japan

USD 40 Per sector for Singapore - Taipei - Seoul

USD 76 Per sector for Singapore - Taipei - Los Angeles

USD 76 Per sector for Singapore - Taipei - Amsterdam

11.

Emirates (EK)

11/09/2006

Singapore - Jakarta (One-way USD 28)

Singapore - Colombo (One-way USD 50)

All other routes apart from Jakarta, Colombo

12.

Eva Air (BR)

19/12/2007

USD 156 (one-way) for SIN to USA/Canada/Europe/New Zealand/Australia

USD 80 (one-way) for SIN to Taipei and Asia

13.

Finnair (AY)

29/01/2007

SGD 54 for Singapore / Bangkok / Singapore.

SGD 178 for Singapore / Helsinki / Singapore.

14.

Garuda Indonesia (GA)

15/04/2008

YQ consist of fuel & insurance

USD 31 for Singapore to Indonesia

eg Singapore - Shanghai vv = USD 65

eg Singapore - Beijing v v = USD 80

eg Indonesia - Beijing or v v = USD 90

eg Indonesia - Shanghai or v v = USD 80

eg Indonesia - Guangzhou or v v = USD 60

eg Indonesia - Vietnam v v = USD 50

eg Singapore to Thailand v v = USD 27

eg Indonesia - Thailand v v = USD 55

eg Indonesia - Malaysia v v = USD 37

eg Indonesia - Japan or v v = USD 80

eg Indonesia - Korea or v v = USD 90

eg Indonesia- Middle East v v = USD 130

eg Indonesia - South West Pacific v v = USD 100

eg Indonesia - Hong Kong or v v = USD 30

15.

Gulf Air (GF)

01/06/2006

USD 60 per sector

16.

Indian Airlines (IC)

03/12/2007

SGD 90 per international coupon

USD11 per sector for Domestic sectors

17.

Japan Airlines (JL)

01/04/2008

Per person for each segment

Amount (USD)

Japan - Korea

23

Japan - Mainland China

59

Japan - Taiwan, Phillippine, Vietnam, Guam

72

Japan - Sin, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, India, Hawaii

126

Japan - N. America, Europe, Middle East, Mexico, Oceania

180

Japan - Brazil

216

Japan - Hong Kong

72

Vancouver - Mexico City

18

New York - San Paulo

54

Amsterdam - Madrid, Barcelona sectors only

27

Other - Within Europe, Oceania (including some domestic)

14

Other - Within Hawaii, N.America, Asia (incl. some dom)

4

18.

JetAirways (9W)

29/03/2008

USD 85 per international sector

19.

Korean Air (KE)

01/03/2008

USD 70 per way to Korea, China, Japan

Origin

To

Korea, China, JPN,SASC, GUM & SPN via Korea

TO SWP, Area 1 & Area 2 via Korea

Singapore only

OW-USD 70.00

OW-USD 100.00

RT-USD 140.00

RT-USD 200.00

20.

Lufthansa German (LH)

13/03/2008

USD 85 for long haul flights

For example: Singapore / Frankfurt / Hamburg / Frankfurt / Singapore = US85+25+25+85 = USD 220

21.

Malaysia Airlines (MH)

11/03/2008

USD 142

USD 109 between Malaysia to US/Europe

USD 65 between Taiwan to Los Angeles

USD 108 between Stockholm to New York

USD 73 between Malaysia to China

USD 60 between Malaysia to India/ Sri Lanka/ Maldives/ Bangladesh

USD 31 between Malaysia to ASEAN

USD 39 between Malaysia to Taiwan

USD 25 between Peninsula Malaysia & East Malaysia vv

USD 12 within Peninsular Malaysia, within East Malaysia

22.

Myanmar Airways (8M)

01/02/2008

USD 27 per sector

One way - USD 27

Return - USD 54

23

Northwest Airlines (NW)

24/03/2008

USD 135 between Singapore to the United States

USD 100 between Singapore to Canada

USD 82 between Singapore to Japan

USD 33 between Korea & China via Japan

24

Philippine Airlines (PR)

20/11/2007

USD 29 for Singapore to Manila / Jakarta

USD 38 for Singapore to Australia / Japan

USD 69 for Singapore to USA / Canada

25.

Qantas/ British Airways (QF/BA)

22/02/2008

GBP 53.00 for flights between Singapore & Australia

USD 64.00 for flights between Singapore to London/UK/Europe

26.

Qatar Airways (QR)

01/04/2008

USD 85 per way

USD 85 per way to Europe

USD 75 per way to Middle East & Gulf

USD 80 per way to Africa

USD 120 per way to USA

USD 30 per way to Jakarta

27.

Royal Brunei (BI)

01/04/2008

USD 35 for Singapore - Brunei

USD 75 for Singapore - Australia, Dubai

USD 85 for Singapore - UK & New Zealand

USD 55 for Singapore - Malaysia, Sagion, Manila, Hong Kong

28

Scandinavian (SK)

15/05/2006

EU 104

EUR 104 for all SK Intercontinental sectors to/from Japan

EUR 113 to/from USA, to/from South East Asia

29.

Singapore Airlines (SQ)

01/04/2008

All SQ Operated Flights:

USD 16 between Singapore and HKG

USD 30 between Singapore and SEA cities: (Brunei, Bangkok, Bali, Hanoi, Jakarta, Kuala Lumpur, Manila, Penang, Saigon)

USD 80 between Singapore-Japan, Bangkok-Japan, LA-Japan

USD 66.40 between Hong Kong and San Francisco (wef 1 Dec)

USD 130 between Singapore and USA / Vancouver

USD 80 for all other sectors

SQ Codeshare Flights Operated by other Airlines:

USD 30 for Intra Europe / Germany Domestic / UK Domestic / NZ Domestic / South Africa Domestic / San Francisco & Vancouver Domestic / between Singapore and Malaysia / Brunei

USD 30 for MI operated between Singapore and SEA destinations

USD 80 for all other sectors

30.

Silkair (MI)

26/03/2008

USD 80 between Xiamen, Shenzhen, Kunming, Chengdu, Kaoshiong, Chongqing, Cochin, Trivandrum, Coimbatore, Kathmandu

USD 30 for all other sectors

31.

Sri Lankan (UL)

01/09/2007

USD 10 one-way Colombo, Male, Hyderabad, Trichy

USD 5 one-way Delhi, Trivandrum, Cochin

USD 20 one-way London, Jeddah

USD 20 one-way Dammam, Riyadh

32

Swiss (LX)

03/08/2007

USD 100 per sector for Long Haul flights

USD 25 per sector for short haul flights, eg Singapore - Bangkok

33.

Thai Airways Int. (TG)

01/02/2008

USD 105 Thailand - Los Angeles / New York vv

USD 95 Thailand - Europe / South Africa & Tel Aviv vv

USD 80 Thailand - Australia vv

USD 95 Thailand - New Zealand vv

USD 55 Thailand - China / Middle East / Taiwan vv

USD 30 Thailand - Singapore vv

USD 25 Thailand - Malaysia vv

USD 10 Within Thailand, domestic route

34.

Turkish Airlines (TK)

07/08/2006

EUR 65 per sector for long haul

TRY 15 per sector for domestic tickets in Turkey

35.

United Airlines (UA)

01/04/2008

USD 165 to USA (Transpacific)

USD 100.00 per way - between Singapore and Japan

USD 16.10 per way - between Singapore and Hong Kong

36.

Vietnam Airlines (VN)

23/04/2008

USD 35 between Vietnam & Singapore

USD 70 between Vietnam & Australia & Germany

USD 15.00 between Vietnam & Hongkong

USD 29.00 between Vietnam & China

USD 55.00 between Vietnam & Russia

*All information are subject to the respective airlines